posted October 22, 2004 06:40 AM
Indo-Lanka deal: Defence or military industry pact?http://www.dailymirror.lk/2004/10/22
By Ranga Kalansooriya
The recent change of regimes both in India and Sri Lanka did not hamper work towards a possible defence pact between the two neighbours who have been entangled in the two-decade long conflict.
The Indian high-powered defence delegation was scheduled to leave Sri Lanka last night after finalizing the Indo-Sri Lanka Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) which received much prominence in media, in both countries.
Though the news reports indicate that the pact is nearing completing, according to diplomatic sources, there are many more hurdles that need to be overcome. These obstacles are not simply from the bureaucratic front but the political as well.
The two-day talks that were held in Colombo this week, in a nutshell, concluded with an agreement on a "common draft" for defence cooperation. The final decision would be taken by "higher political authorities," in India and Sri Lanka - a process which would face obstacles in political and bureaucratic fronts.
The idea on a possible defence pact between the two neighbours was on the cards since the early 90's, but the whole process received added momentum following the summit between former Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his counterpart the BJP Premier A B Vajpayee in New Delhi in October last year. The issue was made public through a joint statement at the end of the summit.
However, the development roused the LTTE's concern for obvious reasons. Feeling the threat of Indians playing a key role in Sri Lanka's defence structure, they opposed the pact on the grounds that it would disturb the tenuous peace process by altering the balance of forces in Colombo's favour.
"A military pact with India would encourage the Sinhala political leadership to take a hard-line, belligerent attitude towards the Tamils and eventually destroy the mutual trust between the estranged communities, a crucial factor necessary for the consolidation and promotion of peace," Anton Balasingham, said commenting on the proposal.
Mr. Balasingham said the defence pact would upset the balance of forces to the disadvantage of the LTTE and that "disturbing that military equilibrium would lead to the disturbance of the ceasefire agreement, the very foundation on which the Sri Lankan peace process stands."
The LTTE's opposition to the pact would, perhaps, place the Congress led UPA government whose leading allies are DMK and MDMK, in an uncomfortable position.
Even as the pact is in an advanced stage of deliberation, the DMK has not so far been brought into the picture, although the Indian government managers are certain that the party would come on board once the strategic goals are explained.
The DMK would obviously have to be convinced that the defence pact would not hurt Tamils - particularly LTTE interests, which would be the prime concern of MDMK leader Vaiko too.
Also leading Tamil hardliners in South India such as Nedumaran of the Tamil National Movement (TNM) who see the pact as detrimental to the cause of Tamils have to be convinced otherwise, if India is to see its efforts succeed. If not, it may add more fuel to the Tamil extremists movements in its southern tip.
"Why does Sri Lanka need a security pact with India? It is an island nation and has no visible enemy in the region. Why is it that they want to have a defence pact? Because, they want to use the Indian army to crush the Tamil population in Sri Lanka," Nedumaran told the World Tamil Confederation in July.
The usual bureaucratic barriers will also be an impediment to the pact, a senior diplomat said. "The negotiations are still at the defence level. It needs more bilateral consultations and diplomatic manoeuvring to bring it to the status of an agreement. We are making our best efforts to finish this process before the visit by President Kumaratunga to New Delhi early next month. But the efficiency of bureaucracy both in India and Sri Lanka is questionable," he says.
The pact, according to Defence Ministry sources, introduces nothing new to the prevailing military collaborations between the two countries except the proposal for joint naval 'surveillances' in the Palk Straits.
It is interesting to find out why the term 'joint patrolling' has not been used. In all probability it is to satisfy the LTTE. India conducts regular joint Naval patrolling exercises with Malaysia, Singapore, Myanmar and Bangladesh.
Regularizing the existing defence collaborations between India and Sri Lanka is one of the main goals of signing this pact.
India almost doubled the number of training batches per year for Sri Lankan military forces in 2002 and introduced a new scheme where 300 elite commandos are being trained on Indian soil at any given time.
Indian interest in reconstruction and development programs in Sri Lanka's defence sector is overwhelming. The restructuring of the Police has also attracted Indian involvement and the Indian Credit Line has now become one of the main resource bases to the country's military establishments.
Sri Lanka, no doubt, will turn into a massive market for Indian military industry with the implementation of this agreement.
The giant military production house of India is capable of supplying the needs of Sri Lanka's entire defence structure, from paper clip to heavy artillery and rockets at a better price. This includes advanced light helicopters, small arms and ammunitions, artillery pieces, special clothing, gun boats and other military hardware.
Most importantly the Japanese wheels of the Sri Lanka military forces are also to be replaced by Indian vehicles under the credit line, according to the pact. Over 20 categories of vehicles in defence establishments will be taken over by TATA and Leyland brands. This is expected to save millions of rupees to the government of Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka is also supposed to 'look after' Indian interests in development projects with regard to defence and military establishments.
Another significant feature of the process is its continuity irrespective of the change of regimes in both countries. Ranil Wickremesinghe's government initiated the process with confidence building measures such as Indian Oil Company involvement in oil tanks in Trincomalee.
President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga during her visit to Ialamabad for 12th SAARC Summit early this year stated that her government will take early steps to finalise the pact.
"Indo-Sri Lanka relations had taken off on many fronts, especially in areas of defence and trade. The India-Lanka Free Trade Treaty, too, is working well to our satisfaction," said the President who took over the defence portfolio a coupe of months prior to the visit.
UNP's frontliner Milinda Moragoda who visited India last month under the instructions of leader Wickremesinghe met the leaders of both government and the opposition and assured that his party would fully support the proposed pact, as initiated in 2002.
In the immediate South-Asian neighbourhood, this pact will be the first of its kind for India. The Indian government is hopeful that others in the region - perhaps barring Pakistan would follow suit, because the initiative in this instance came from President Kumaratunga after the change of regime in Colombo.
It is clear that in the present context of market economy, India - backed by an economic take-off indicated by high growth rates - is now searching for a stable position among the superpowers and other nations leading in production such as China. Sri Lanka, as its long- standing friend and indispensable neighbour, would assist to expand its shores of military industry through this pact and may even be an example to others.