The 1994 Parliamentary elections marked an important watershed in the
course of the United National party. Ranil Wicramasighe became the
un-elected yet unanimous leader of United National Party due to the
assassination of all prominent UNP leaders of leadership quality.
This was the start of defeatist Ranil era of the UNP.
The Ranil era in the UNP was supported by a few Colombo elites who
continually poured money into the UNP machinery. These elites failed
to understand the grassroot realities in Sri Lanka. For them, Ranil
was the ideal candidate. Most UNP supporters due to lack of other
prominent UNP front figures initially supported Ranil. They ignored
several early forewarning signs stemming from his early leadership.
One of the major statistical indications of Ranilís inability to bring
the UNP to a path of triumph was how he fared against the relatively
weak political regime of President Chandrika Bandaranayake
The regime was rampant with corruption, and economic and war failures.
Despite the weak appeal of Chandrika Kumaratunga at the grassroots,
Ranil could not consolidate a durable movement to defeat Chandrika for
Ranil did not allow real UNP grassroot leaders to ascend to power in
the UNP. Instead, he brought a group of non-UNP-grassroot politicians
ranging from Milinda Moragoda to Rohitha Bogollagama to the forefront
of the UNPís secondary leadership. Most of these whom were sponsored
by Ranil as UNP front runners have already defected from the UNP.
Due to Ranilís arrogant restructuring of the UNP combined with his
disregarding of the potential grassroots leadership, many senior grass
roots UNP leaders left the party and politics altogether. They were
essential pillars at the UNP grassroots. Ranil elected organizers who
had diminutive sense on grassroots political realities.
Ranil Wicramasigheís victory in 2001 was not fueled by his aptitude
but was due to the colossal blunders of the Chandrika regime that
combined with several political defections.
Ranil Wicramasighe is not a leader who is in touch with the
grassroots. He is unreachable to many in the grassroots. He has no
talent to market his policies at the village level. His inability as a
public speaker is to a point of bizarre for any national leader.
Armed with undemocratic powers conferred on him by the UNPís
constitution, Ranil weakened the party by griping onto the party
leadership by all means available. In many ways, he has no credibility
to be a spokesman for democracy as he misused powers in the UNP
constitution and executive committee to maintain his leadership.
Although Ranilís CFA marked a significant event in the decline and
destruction of the Tamil Tigers, the process could have been
better-managed. Ranilís arrogant and stubborn management of the CFA,
not heeding to any counseling cost the country of many talented
intelligence officers. The mismanagement of CFA by Ranilís regime
combined with the impracticable approach of the Sri Lanka Monitoring
Mission to peace-keeping and the short-sighted political blunders of
Tamil Tigers, doomed the CFA and the UNP regime.
Finally, the death knell of the UNP under Ranil came with the end of
the war in 2009. The UNPís stance on the war against terrorism in Sri
Lanka led to an effective political suicide for the UNP. This was at
the hands of the Sinhalese masses both in the villages and in the
suburbs. Ranil and his Colombo elites just did not support the
Ďpopularí war but also belittled the war effort. The Pamankada versus
Alimankada (Elephant-Pass) comment from Ravi Karunanayake is a perfect
example. This is in addition to Ranilís rather imprudent politically
suicidal comments that belittled the battle of Thoppigala.
Due to these blunders, Ranil Wicramasighe lost his appeal in the eyes
of the Snhalese masses, marking the final nail on the coffin of the
UNPís Ranilís era.
Many contrast the current state of UNP with the state of UNP in 1970.
What many overlook is that the fact UNP won higher national votes in
comparison to the SLFP in 1970 despite the electoral defeat. (Sri
Lanka Freedom Party 1,839,979 versus United National Party 1,892,525.)
The UNP then had a steady village level voter base and a considerable
popularity. However, during the last several years under Wicramasighe,
the UNPís voter based decreased significantly. The party decisions
were not made based on grass-root realities but on Colombo based
UNPers in the villages and suburbs boycotted the elections in 2010 due
to leadership failures leading to the current predicament.
In conclusion, the UNP needs to change the leadership to a grassroots
leader to salvage the party from being in virtually permanent
opposition for the next twenty years. Temporary restructuring
solutions by creating powerless deputy leaders in the UNP will not
resolve the crisis. It will perpetuate the current defeatist state of
the UNP. The UNP needs a transform of face to appeal to the masses.
The party needs a young leader who could address all Sri Lankans
across the various divides including to the influential Sinhala
nationalists. The only nationally accepted politician of the UNP is
Sajith Premadasa. Although he may not be known well among Colombo
elites, he had proved himself at the grassroots again and again.
The entry of Sajith Premadasa into and the exit of Ranil Wicramasighe
from the leadership might just be the only hope on the horizon for the